KOMENTAROleh Muaz Omar
OCT 7 — To put it plainly, the truce between Datuk Nik Aziz Nik Mat, Kelantan MB and spiritual leader of Pas, and its Terengganu liaison chief Mustafa Ali is simply a ceasefire in a battle that doesn't seem to be ending anytime soon.
The latest spark was a result of a front page interview by Mustafa in Harakah lambasting Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim and Pakatan Rakyat's Sept 16 federal government takeover ambitions. Determined to douse Anwar's Sept 16 agenda, Mustafa called up Harakah's editor-in-chief Ahmad Lutfi Othman requesting for the front page interview. But he and his lackeys went further, they prevented Harakah from publishing Nik Aziz's counter statement which openly rebuked Mustafa.
Mustafa's blatant digression against the recent Pas Muktamar's resolution to strengthen Pakatan, as well as the Sept 16 agenda, enraged Nik Aziz. In his statement, Nik Aziz taunted Mustafa to join Umno since they seem to speak the same language. This open declaration of war is the clearest signal yet that the divide between two different groups within Pas – the orthodox and the reformist – will only widen. For a party that is known for its impeccable discipline, dedicated and hardworking political machinery, this is certainly worrying for many of its supporters.
Mustafa, fondly known as Cikgu Pa, is definitely the brains behind this orthodox-nationalist group and is using deputy president Nasharuddin Mat Isa as the face of their brand of politics. To many, it is surprising that Nasharuddin, considered as one of the more moderate elements within Pas, is vociferously defending the Pas-Umno talks and, at the same time, jeopardising the already fragile Pakatan coalition. Both are supported by Hassan Ali, a worn-out Pas Selangor Commissioner and Harun Taib, the former head of the Ulama Council.
Nasharuddin and Hassan were once known to be strong supporters of Anwar. How both of them changed tack is a surprise to many and most believe that Umno's offer of power sharing had devilishly enticed Mustafa and his posse. It was said that at one time, Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi even offered Nasharuddin the deputy premier's post. There were also rumours of Nasharuddin's alliance with Ezam Mohd Nor, who has made it his personal vendetta to destabilise Pakatan through the generous assistance of Minister of Rural Development Tan Sri Muhammad Muhammad Taib and Selangor Umno.
It is obvious that Mustafa is the champion who has been pushing and driving the Pas-Umno talks. His convincing argument that the Malay-Muslim presence will be diluted with the emergence of the PKR-led Pakatan Rakyat resonated with many orthodox ulama and the rural-based Pas supporters.
It is an open secret that Mustafa is the man behind party president Datuk Hadi Awang. Hadi's political views and actions are being shaped and influenced by Mustafa's idealogy. Mustafa was blamed by many for the fall of the Terengganu government after Pas ruled the state for one term following the 1999 general election.
Even though Hadi was the Menteri Besar, Mustafa was the one holding the reins, advising Hadi on most decisions. Under his stewardship, Pas leaders like Wan Mutalib Embong, Abu Bakar Chik were well endowed. Mustafa and his supporters ruled Terengganu, whilst Hadi warmed the MB's seat, rarely involving himself in the administration of the state.
However, Mustafa has been unable to turn over the man revered by many in Pas and many Muslims in Malaysia – Tuan Guru Nik Aziz. At a time when Pas president Hadi was non committal on the Sept 16 agenda, Nik Aziz was a pillar of strength to Anwar in his bid to convince the Pas rank-and-file to buy into his ambitions to wrest the federal government. Realising the break within Pas, Anwar went straight to the top, using his charms and warmth to convince Nik Aziz to back his plan.
With the assistance of his blue-eyed boy, Pas vice-president Husam Musa, Nik Aziz went on the offensive. He openly defended Anwar on the second sodomy allegations, campaigned hard for Anwar in the Permatang Pauh by-election and wholeheartedly supported Anwar in the quest to topple the BN government. In short, Nik Aziz has put his head on the line for Anwar. Even though the whole exercise is academic, as Sept 16 passed with very little brouhaha or fanfare, much less the desired result hoped for by Nik Aziz and many in the opposition camp.
Apart from the suave Husam, the reformist group includes vice-president and former president of the Ulama Association of Malaysia, Ahmad Awang, secretary-general Kamaruddin Jaafar, treasurer Hatta Ramli, Youth chief Sallahudin Ayub, political bureau member Khalid Samad and Pas Research Centre director Dr Dzulkifli Ahmad. Except for Nik Aziz and, to a certain extent, Ahmad Awang, the rest have relatively little influence among the grassroots.
They, however, are the faces of moderation and modernisation within the party. They have also managed to dilute some fears among the non-Malays and non-Muslims towards Pas. However, they have been given little space and support within the party. Apart from Nik Aziz, this group is not represented in the highest advisory body within Pas, the Syura Ulama Council.
This all-powerful council endorses the policies of the party with justifications based on the tenets of Islam. However, this body has received much flak due to its very parochial views on contemporary issues and drew criticism from certain quarters, especially the reformist clan. The influence of this group of mavericks has been growing recently, most notably since the March 8 general election.
It will be interesting to see what new trick Mustafa conjures up during the next party elections as it will shape Pas' role in Pakatan and the national political scenario. It is almost certain that Husam will challenge Nasharuddin for the deputy president's post. Whether Nasharuddin's image as the poster boy for the orthodox nationalists is adequate to muster enough support, or whether Husam's obvious posturing towards Anwar will see him in the good books of the delegates, remains to be seen.
What is certain is that Mustafa will be the main player pulling the strings on the manoeuvres by Nasharuddin and his comrades within the orthodox nationalist clan. Husam and his reformist buddies will need to be more acute tactically in their effort to strengthen their base and rally the grassroots within Pas. Following the March 8 GE, the political landscape has changed for the rest of Malaysia but not so for Pas. It is still evident that Cikgu Pa holds the whip, trying to teach the Erdogan-reformists a lesson or two. ... TMI
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